Police Use of Force in the United States: Non-Lethal Use of Force Analysis

 

 

 

 

 

Police Use of Force in the United States:

Non-Lethal Use of Force Analysis

January 1, 1992 – December 31, 2007

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

David Carrier, Kelly Feeney, Cuvee Zhou

Data Analysis report for:

[CJ 591] Applied Analytical Methods

May 2021



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Variables List & Data Report

 

Independent Variables:

·       First Officer Years of Experience

·       First Suspect Race

·       First Suspect Age

·       Suspect Had Weapons

·       Call Types (recoding)

·       Suspect Intoxication (Alcohol/Drug Impairment)

·       Maximum of Suspect Behavior

·       First Officer Race

 

Dependent Variables:

·       OC Used in Incident

·       CED Used in Incident

 

 

Report:

Taylor, B., Koper, C. (2013, October 29) Evaluation of Less-Lethal Technologies on Police Use-of-Force Outcomes in 13 Sites in the United States, 1992-2007. U.S Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Doi: 10.3886/ICPSR27561.v1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Introduction

In recent years, police use of force has come into question throughout the United States. Because of a rapid expansion in available technology for law enforcement and the public, pictures, videos, speculation, and politics have provided multiple lenses towards the matter. This report uses empirical data from the U.S. Department of Justice for the years 1992 to 2007 to answer specific questions regarding police use of force. The outcome of this report will be providing the answers that are necessary to determine potential problems within policing practice and/or training.

Los Angeles, 1991, the LAPD used batons to beat Rodney King, an African American male, during his arrest after a high-speed chase. King was evading arrest for drunk driving and driving while intoxicated when the police finally stopped him and pulled him from the car. An uninvolved citizen caught the incident on video and shared it to the media. The footage sparked a national outrage, and police use of force has been on watch ever since. The acquittal of all four officers involved prompted the notorious 1991 LA Riots and led many to believe the criminal justice system was foundationally corrupt[1]. Since then, body camera and citizen footage of similar incidents with police have routinely been shared to question both lethal and non-lethal use of force tactics. In 2020, a Minneapolis police officer was arrested and charged with the murder of George Floyd, an African American male, after bystander cell phone footage recorded the officer putting his knee on Floyd’s neck during the arrest. This move was initially proclaimed by the Minneapolis Police Department as an advanced tactic used to subdue an uncooperative suspect. In court, however, the Minneapolis police use of force training instructor testified that it was not a trained neck restraint tactic, though it is commonly used in police departments throughout the U.S.[2] The lack of transparency in training and officer accountability once again led to widespread protests and rioting across the nation. The aim of the protests was that the element of race played a role in the use of force during basic traffic stops. Notably during these protests was the use of non-lethal weapons such as bean bag rifles, tear gas, tasers, and pepper spray. While these are commonly used as non-lethal crowd-control and arresting weapons, there were multiple reports of serious injury and even death[3]. This was not the first time non-lethal force used by police had caused a fatality. In 2019, George Zapantis, an African American male with Bipolar Disorder, was wielding a sword when he suffered a cardiac arrest and died after an NYPD officer tased him four times[4]. Similar incidents have occurred in the past, all with their own unique factors that detail the use of force with non-lethal weapons.

Understanding the history and context of service weapons is important to analyzing the data and conclusions within this report. Non-lethal use of force has been relied on by law enforcement for as long as policing has existed in America. In the mid-19th Century, police officers in New York and Boston relied on various types of weapons, mostly wooden clubs, until around the late 1800’s[5]. At this time, criminals became better-armed, and departments issued their officers a service firearm weapon to keep par. Since lethal force had been introduced to the array of weapons police officers use, departments needed to determine specifically when each item should be used. According to federal law, lethal force can be used specifically in these five scenarios[6]:

1.     Self-Defense: necessary when one reasonably believes himself/herself to be in imminent danger of death or serious bodily harm

2.     Serious offenses against persons: necessary to prevent the commission of a serious offense against a person(s) in circumstances presenting an imminent danger of death or serious bodily harm

3.     Nuclear weapons or nuclear explosive devices: necessary to prevent the theft, sabotage, or unauthorized control of a nuclear weapon or nuclear explosive device

4.     Special nuclear material: necessary to prevent the theft, sabotage, or unauthorized control of special nuclear material

5.     Apprehension: necessary to prevent the escape of a person believed to have A) committed an offense of the nature in reasons 1-4 or B) is escaping by use of a weapon or explosive or whom otherwise indicates that he/she poses a significant threat of death or serious bodily harm

If feasible, a warning such as an order to halt should be given before a shot is fired, though it is not required. All other instances where force may be needed, but lethal force may not be used, require the use of non-lethal weapons. Specific policy regarding non-lethal use of force weapons varies by department throughout the U.S. Although this report cannot generalize for the sake of validity, an example of a common policy can be examined in the Rye Brook Police Department Non-Lethal Use of Force reference summary from the New York State Accreditation Standards:

            “A police officer, in the course of effecting or attempting to effect an arrest, or

preventing or attempting to prevent the escape from custody of a person whom he

reasonably believes to have committed an offense, may use non-deadly force to the

extent he reasonably believes such to be necessary to effect the arrest, or to prevent

the escape from custody, or to defend himself, or a third person from what he

reasonably believes to be the use or imminent use of physical force.”[7]

In summary, for officers during a traffic stop or in responding to a call for service, non-lethal weapons may be administered in the apprehension of a suspect attempting to resist or flee custody. The decision between lethal and non-lethal force lies within the officer’s discretion of the department policy regarding use of force. That discretion generally accounts for whether the safety of the officer, suspect, or a third-party individual(s) is being threatened. However, the discretion of officers is, frankly, unmeasurable to a significant degree. Therefore, the contents of this report going forward will include only prior research and data that is able to be analyzed in theory and statistics.

Specific non-lethal service weapons have been designated to law enforcement across the country. Though not every department has the same weapons or guidelines for using them, the most common non-lethal weapons provided to police officers are conducted electrical devices (CED) and oleoresin capsicum (OC). These two weapons, commonly known as the “taser” and “pepper spray” are frequently used in confrontations, suicide interventions, riots, and prison disturbances[8]. A CED in law enforcement patrol is the officer’s taser, a less-lethal single shot weapon designed to temporarily incapacitate a suspect using an electrical current[9]. It is a hand-held weapon similar in shape and size to a pistol but is normally bright yellow in color. The taser can either be applied directly onto an individual or projected from a distance. Other CED’s, more frequently used for riots and prison control, include electric shock shields and stun batons. All work by sending small doses of electrical currents to the nervous system, producing a “shock” effect that temporary immobilizes the brain from sending signals throughout the body. An OC in law enforcement patrol is the officers mace/pepper spray, formally named OC for its scientific origin (oleoresin capsicum). Time for a quick chemistry lesson! Oleoresin capsicum is an oily resin derivative from capsicums (solanaceous nightshade species plants). The capsaicinoids are distilled, dried, and compounded together. The final oleoresin contains several branched-chain alkyl vanillylamides, in addition to capsaicin, the major component in OC[10]. Capsaicinoids cause dermatitis as well as nasal, ocular, pulmonary, and gastrointestinal effects in humans. OC gained popularity in the 1990s as a defensive weapon for civilians and law enforcement agencies because they produce immediate, temporary immobilization and incapacitation when sprayed directly into the face or eyes[11]. OC produces significant eye irritation with watering, pain, and temporary blindness.  And a fun fact, capsaicin comes from the same plant genus as chili peppers, yum! The advanced technology of non-lethal weapons for policing have become an element of significance in scenarios where they are needed.

There are two initial questions that need to be identified with prior research evaluation when discussing non-lethal use of force weapons: do administrative policies regarding lethal and non-lethal force affect its usage; and, do factors of the scenario in which they are being used play into its use? In 2018, a research study within the Chicago Police Department was conducted to determine if policies administering non-lethal weapons worked to replace lethal force. The CPD changed its taser policy in 2010, issuing the weapons to all patrol officers instead of restricting the use to sergeants. Researchers wanted to determine if this change affected the type of force employed by the officer, along with other outcomes. Initial results found the policy change led to a large increase in the use of tasers. After a re-training period, substitution from other types of force (both greater and lesser) increased. The research concluded that while police injuries fell, the injury rates of civilians were not affected, and there was no evidence that CED led to a reduction in police use of lethal force[12]. A similar study published in the Justice Quarterly from 2016 accounted for the impact of administrative policy on non-lethal force. These researchers were also interested in whether policy changed the use of force, specifically analyzing the results from restrictive versus permissive policy environments in 3,340 use of force incidents from three U.S. agencies. In the Chicago Police Department study, the CPD had to re-train its officers after reviewing high levels of non-lethal use of force post-policy implementation. The Justice Quarterly study backs this summary, stating consistent results showing that officers working with the most restrictive policy framework used force less readily than officers who operated within more permissive policy environments[13]. These prior research conclusions significantly strengthen the argument that administrative policy plays a key role in the use of force.

The second paragraph of this introductory section gave real-life scenarios as an example to the different variables involved in an incident where force was used. Prior research evaluation is necessary to make a hypothesis regarding these variables on use of force. Specifically, one of the independent variables in this report is the suspect’s race. An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force, a research study by Roland Fryer, discusses the potential relationship between race and use of force. Lethal use of force saw no racial differences in both raw data and the data when other variables were considered. On non-lethal use of force, African Americans and Hispanics were more than fifty percent more likely to experience some form of force in the interaction with police[14]. The author notes that this disparity can be reduced, but not fully explained, by adding controls that account for important context and civilian behavior regarding the interaction. This includes other variables like the ones used in this report. Expanding on this, a similar research study in the British Journal of Criminology investigated the differences in use of force regarding the officer race, which this report also analyzed. The findings revealed that white officers were more coercive toward black suspects, and tended to use non-lethal force more frequently, but black officers’ force usage is unaffected by suspect race, with equal amount of non-lethal force used[15]. Conversely, officer race did not predict resistance among white or black suspects. The analysis by Fryer and the BJC provide substantial evidence towards one or multiple variables having an influence in use of force incidents.

The analysis of data within this report, paired with previous empirical research review, should enhance the reader’s understanding of the different factors that go into use of force. Whether those factors have an impact on the administration of force is the guiding question of the report and will be the salient discussion point going forward. This report analyzes multiple variables involved in police use of force incidents during routine traffic stops and calls for service, hypothesizing that certain characteristics of these events increase the likelihood of use of force involving conducted electrical devices (CED) and oleoresin capsicum (OC). The analysis hypothesizes that younger suspects experience involvement in less-than-lethal use of force than older suspects, and suspects who display threatening and aggressive behavior towards law enforcement have force used against them at higher rates.

 

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Data Source

The initial study the data originated from aimed to examine how law enforcement agencies managed use of force. Specifically, the study sought to assist agencies in establishing guidelines regarding Conducted Energy Device (CED) deployment to ensure safety for officers and members of the public. The data included thirteen law enforcement agencies from around the United States. Seven agencies that did utilize CED and maintained related policies were matched to six agencies that did not. For those agencies that did utilize CED, data was collected two years prior to deployment and two years after deployment. For the agencies that did not utilize CED, data was collected for four years over synonymous time periods. The researchers collected data at the incident-level for 17,965 incidents where force was used by law enforcement officers. The data received included incidents that occurred between 1992 and 2007. Researchers collaborated with the law enforcement agencies to obtain the use of force data available through the agency’s own database. They also examined the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report system and the 2000 US Census to gather crime and demographic data on the cities associated with the participating agencies. The study of origin happened in three parts. Part One incorporated all available use of force data from the participating agencies and focused on the individual officers and suspects involved in the use of force. Part Two scrutinized the chosen law enforcement agencies along with the crime and demographic data. Part Three encompassed the same information from Part One but employed only the data in the focal time periods and derived variables that concerned all officers and suspects involved in a use of force incident. For confidentiality purposes, researchers masked some of the information to prevent recognition of specific officers, suspects, bystanders, or incidents (Taylor & Koper, 2013). 

 

Taylor, B., Koper, C. (2013, October 29) Evaluation of Less-Lethal Technologies on Police Use-of-Force Outcomes in 13 Sites in the United States, 1992-2007. U.S Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. Doi: 10.3886/ICPSR27561.v1

https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/27561 

 


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Variable Measurement & Descriptive Statistics

One of the primary dependent variables this analysis examined centered on deployment of CED during the use of force incident among any officer present. The measure of this variable was nominal, with respondents giving a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer. 719 (4.0% of all collected incidents) cases did not provide data. For the incidents that did provide CED use data, 92.3% (n=15,918) of incidents reported no use of CED while only 7.7% (n=1,328) of incidents did involve use of CED. 

 

Table 1: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

CED Used in Incident

No 

15,918

92.3

Yes

1,328

7.7

Missing

(719)

(4.0)

 

The secondary dependent variable for this analysis focused on use of OC spray by an officer during the use of force incident. This measure was nominal and included a dichotomous response of ‘yes’ or ‘no’. 719 (4.0% of all collected incidents)did not provide data. Of those that had data available, 85.8% (n=14,792) of incidents did not involve use of OC spray and 14.2% (n=2,454) did entail deployment of OC spray. 

 

Table 2:Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

OC Spray Used in Incident

No

14,792

85.8

Yes

2,454

14.2

Missing

(719)

(4.0)

 

The type of call which initiated suspect/officer contact was also examined as part of the analysis. Call Type fell into nine different categories: Pedestrian Contact, Traffic Stop, Robbery, Burglary, Under the Influence of Drugs or Alcohol, Domestic Dispute, Emotionally Disturbed Person/Mental Illness, Assault (excluding domestic), and Other. For this analysis, some of the categories were combined for ease of use. Robbery and Burglary were grouped into one category, as well as Alcohol/Drug and Mental Illness. 8,828 incidents (49.1% of all gathered information) did not report data about call type. The most frequent was Other, which included 68.9% (n=6,298) of the calls; nothing further was specified. Assault (excluding domestic) made up 6.6% (N=599) of the calls, followed by Domestic Dispute which comprised 5.7% (n=520) of the calls. Traffic Stops encompassed 5.6% (n=509) of calls. The combined Alcohol/Drug and Mental Illness category included 8.9% (n=815) of calls. Only a combined 3.1% (n=280) of calls were due to Robbery/Burglary, and finally 1.3% (n=116) due to pedestrian contact. 

 

Table 3: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Call Type

Pedestrian Contact

116

1.3

Traffic Stop

509

5.6

Robbery/Burglary

280

3.1

Alcohol/Drug & Mental Illness

815

8.9

Domestic Dispute

520

5.7

Assault (excluding domestic)

599

6.6

Other

6,298

68.9

Missing

(8,828)

(49.1)

 

The analysis examined whether the suspect(s) possessed a weapon. This nominally measured variable required a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ response. 7,404 incidents (41.2%) were missing this data. Most of the suspect(s) did not possess a weapon (n=8,506, 80.5%) while 19.5% (n=2,055) did possess some sort of weapon. 

 

Table 4: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Suspect(s) Had Weapon

No

8,506

80.5

Yes

2,055

19.5

Missing

(7,404)

(41.2)

 

This analysis explored the race of the first suspect involved in the use of force. This variable was nominally measured and included responses White (not Hispanic), Black or African American (not Hispanic), Hispanic or Latino, and Other. Of all incidents, 1,819 (10.1%) did not include data about suspects' race. Black/African American suspects held the highest frequency (42.9%, n=6,926), followed by White suspects (33.4%, n=5,388), then Hispanics/Latinos (21.4%, n=3,453). A small percentage (2.3%, n=379) of suspects identified as Other. 

 

Table 5: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

First Suspect Race

White (not of Hispanic descent)

5,388

33.4

Black or African American (not of Hispanic descent)

6,926

42.9

Hispanic or Latino

3,453

21.4

Other Race

379

2.3

Missing

(1,819)

(10.1)

 

Another variable of scrutiny involved years of experience among the first officer involved. The ordinal responses included less than one year of experience, one to two years of experience, three to four years, five to six years, seven to eight years, nine to ten years, and more than ten years of experience. Of all the incidents, approximately half (50.4%, n=9,060) did not include information about the officer's experience. The highest frequency of officers involved in use of force incidents had more than ten years of experience (21.3%, n=1,896) followed by officers with only one to two year’s experience (20.0%, n=1,784) and officers with three to four year’s experience (19.9%, n=1,772). 12.4% (n=1,102) of officers had seven to eight year’s experience, 6.8% (n=605) had nine to ten years, and only 2.7% (n=237) had less than one year of experience. Many officers (59.9%) involved in uses of force incidents had less than seven years of experience. The mean fell into the 4.22 ordinal category, with a standard deviation of 1.872. 

 

Table 6: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Mean

Standard Deviation

First Officer Year’s Experience

4.22

1.872

<1 Year Experience

237

2.7

1-2 Year’s Experience

1,784

20.0

3-4 Year’s Experience

1,772

19.9

5-6 Year’s Experience

1,509

16.9

7-8 Year’s Experience

1,102

12.4

9-10 Year’s Experience

605

6.8

>10 Year’s Experience

1,896

21.3

Missing

(9,060)

(50.4)

 

Alcohol/Drug Impairment of the first suspect involved in the use of force was a variable of interest. This dichotomous and nominally measured variable consisted of ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answers. 4,467 incidents (24.9%) from the data collection had missing data and 787 (4.4%) unknown. Of the incidents that did provide data, 65.9% (n=8,378) of suspects did not have impaired by drugs or alcohol and 34.1% (4,333) did have some form of impairment. 

 

Table 7: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Alcohol/Drug Impairment - Suspect 1

No

8,378

65.9

Yes

4,333

34.1

Don’t Know

787

(4.4)

Missing

(4,467)

(24.9)

 

The age of the first suspect involved in the use of force was ordinally measured, with categories ranging 17 or younger, 18-20, 21-25, 26-30, 31-40, 41-50, 51-60, and 61 or older. This variable missed 3,988 pieces of data (22.2%). The youngest group made up 7.1% (n=988) and the oldest group made up 1.0% (n=135). The 18-20-year-old age group comprised 18.1% (n=2,527). Both the 21-25 and 26-30-year-old age groups comprised 15.2% (n=2,124 & n=2,122, respectively). The 31-40-year-old made up 26.7% (n=3,732), 41-50-year-old 13.2% (n=1,850), and 51-60-year-old 3.6% (n=499). The mean fell into the 2.95 ordinal category, with a standard deviation of 1.668. 

 

Table 8: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Mean

Standard Deviation

First Suspect Age

2.95

1.668

17or Younger

988

7.1

18-20

2,527

18.1

21-25

2,124

15.2

26-30

2,122

15.2

31-40

3,732

26.7

41-50

1,850

13.2

51-60

499

3.6

61 or Older

135

1.0

Missing

(3,988)

(22.2)

 

A variable of interest involved suspect behavior. This nominal variable included answers such as No Resistive Behavior Recorded, Passive, Fleeing, Verbal, Mild Aggression, Severe Aggression, Deadly Force, and Other. A total of 11,633 (64.8%) incidents did not report on this variable. Severe Aggression was reported in 23.9% of incidents (n=1,516), followed closely by No Resistant Behavior Recorded (22%, n=1,392) and Other (21.1%, n=1,336). Fleeing included 15.1% (n=956) of incidents, Mild Aggression 7.6% (n=481), Passive 6.2% (n=392), and Deadly Force just 1.4% (n=91). 

 

Table 9: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

Maximum of Suspect Behavior

No Resistive Behavior Recorded

1,392

22.0

Passive

392

6.2

Fleeing

956

15.1

Verbal

168

2.7

Mild Aggression

481

7.6

Severe Aggression

1,516

23.9

Deadly Force

91

1.4

Other

1,336

21.1

Missing

(11,633)

(64.8)

 

A variable that explored officer demographics included race of the first officer involved in the use of force. This variable was nominally measured and included response options White, Black or African American, Hispanic, or Latino, or Other Race. 40.6% (n=7,286) of data for this variable was not reported. White officers had the highest frequency of use of force involvement (80.8%, n=8,625), followed by Black/African American (10.3%, n=1,105), Hispanic/Latino (5.8%, n=621), and lastly Other (3.1%, n=328).

 

Table 10: Descriptive Statistics

Variable

Measurement

N

Percentage

First Officer Race

White, not Hispanic descent

8,625

80.8

Black or African American, no Hispanic descent

1,105

10.3

Hispanic or Latino

621

5.8

Other Race

328

3.1

Missing

(7,286)

(40.6)



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Bivariate Analyses and Results

First Suspect Race

Only 8.5% of suspects had force utilizing CED used against them. 9.0% of Black/African American suspects were involved in ED use, 8.3% of Hispanic/Latino suspects, 8.3% of the first suspect’s that identified as Other racially, and 8.0% of White suspects were involved in CED use of force during their encounter. A cross-tabulation test indicates race of the first suspect was not statistically significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=3.57, df=3, p=0.312). A total of 15.2% of first suspects were involved of OC Spray use of force. 16.5% of Black/African American suspects were involved in these incidents, 15.3% of White suspects, 13.7% of suspects that identified as Other racially, and 12.7% of Hispanic/Latino suspects. A cross-tabulation determined this statistically significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=25.8, df=3, p<.001). 

 

Table 11: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by First Suspect Race

Use of Force Type

 

First Suspect Race

White

Black/African American

Hispanic/Latino

Other

Total

CED

8.0% (n=405)

9.0% (n=595)

8.3% (n=282)

8.3% (n=31)

8.5% (n=1313)

OC Spray

15.3% (n=775)

16.5% (n=1094)

12.7% (n=429)

13.7% (n=51)

15.2% (n=2349)

 

First Suspect Age

Just 4.8% of first suspects encountered had CED used against them. 5.7% of suspects 26 to 30 years old were involved in CED use, 5.7% of suspects 41 to 50 years old, 5.6% of suspects 31 to 40 years old, 5.2% of suspects 61 or older, 4.8% of suspects between 21 to 25 years old, 4.8% of suspects between 51 and 60 years old, 3.2% of suspects between the ages of eighteen to twenty years old, and 1.9% of suspects seventeen years old or younger were involved in CED use of force. A cross-tabulation test indicates age of the first suspect statistically significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=43.81, df=7, p=<.001. A total of 15.6% of first suspects police encountered had OC Spray used against them. 18.2% of suspects 21 to 25 years of age were involved in OC Spray use, 16.6% of suspects 31 to 40 years old, 16.3% of suspects 26 to 30 years old, 15.2% of suspects between 41 and 50 years old, 14.2% of suspects ages eighteen to twenty years old, 12.9% of suspects between 51 and 60, 11.6% of suspects aged 17 years or younger, and just 6.7% of suspects aged 61 or older had OC Spray used on them. Age of the first suspect involved proved significant via cross-tabulation at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=41.85, df=7, p<.001). 

 

Table 12: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by First Suspect Age

Use of Force Type

 

First Suspect Age

17 or Younger

18-20

21-25

26-30

31-40

41-50

51-60

61 or Older

Total

CED

1.9% (n=19)

3.2% (n=81)

4.8% (n=101)

5.7% (n=121)

5.6% (n=207)

5.7% (n=105)

4.8% (n=24)

5.2% (n=7)

4.8% (n=665)

OC Spray

11.6% (n=114)

14.2% (n=358)

18.2% (n=385)

16.3% (n=345)

16.6% (n=620)

15.2% (n=280)

12.9% (n=61)

6.7% (n=9)

15.6% (n=2175)

 

Maximum Suspect Behavior

A total of 17.4% of suspects police encountered had CED used on them. 32.4% of suspects fleeing were involved in CED use, 26.8% of suspects who displayed severe aggression, 26.7% of suspects who acted against officers with deadly force, 15% of suspects who had no resistive behavior recorded, 11.2% of suspects who displayed mild aggression, 7.1% of verbal, 6.2% of suspects whose behavior was categorized as Other, and 1.8% of passive suspects had CED used against them. A test of cross-tabulation determined maximum suspect behavior was significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=460.27, df=7, p<.001). Also, a total of 12.3% of suspects had OC Spray used on them by police. 27.2% of suspects who displayed mild aggression were involved in OC Spray deployment, 25.0% of verbal, 19.0% of suspects who displayed severe aggression, 19.0% of suspects who acted with deadly force, 13.6% suspects who displayed Other behavior, 7.5% of passive suspects, 5.6% of fleeing suspects, and 3.2% of suspects who had no resistive behavior recorded. A cross-tabulation proved suspect behavior significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=343.35, df=7, p<.001). 

 

Table 13: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by Maximum Suspect Behavior

Use of Force Type

 

Maximum Suspect Behavior

No Resistive Behavior Recorded

Passive

Fleeing

Verbal

Mild Agg

Severe Agg

Deadly Force

Other

Total

CED

15% (n=209)

1.8% (n=7)

32.4% (n=307)

7.1% (n=12)

11.2% (n=82)

26.8% (n=53)

26.7% (n=406)

6.2% (n=24)

17.4% (n=1100)

OC Spray

3.2% (n=44)

7.5% (n=29)

5.6% (n=53)

25.0% (n=42)

27.2% (n=181)

19.0% (n=129)

12.2% (n=288)

13.6% (n=11)

12.3% (n=777)

 

Suspect(s) Had Weapon

A mere 10.9% of suspects who engaged with police were involved in use of force utilizing CED. 11.9% of suspects who did not possess a weapon had CED used against them compared to 6.6% of suspects who did possess a weapon. Whether or not the suspect had a weapon proved significant via cross-tabulation at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=4.36, df=1, p<.001). An overall 15.8% of suspects had OC Spray deployed on them during their encounters with police. 20.5% of suspects who did possess a weapon were involved in OC Spray use, compared to 14.6% of suspects who did not possess a weapon. This factor proved significant through cross-tabulation at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=42.44, df=1,p<.001). 

 

Table 14: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by Suspect(s) Had Weapon

Use of Force Type

Suspect(s) Had Weapon

Yes

No

Total

CED

6.6% (n=135)

11.9% (n=1011)

10.9% (n=1146)

OC Spray

20.5% (n=421)

14.6% (n=1246)

15.8% (n=1667)

 

Alcohol/Drug Impairment - Suspect One

Only 8.3% of suspects had CED deployed on them during their police encounter. 14.7% of suspects with alcohol or drug impairment were involved in CED, compared to 5.0% of suspects who did not have alcohol or drug impairment. This factor proved significant through cross-tabulation (Pearson’s chi-square=352.04, df=1, p<.001). A total of 15.4% of suspects had OC Spray used on them during their interaction with police. 15.7% of suspects who were not impaired alcohol or drug impairment were involved in OC Spray use compared to 15.0% of suspects who did have an impairment caused by alcohol or drugs. A cross-tabulation determined alcohol/drug impairment not significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=1.08, df=1, p=0.299). 

 

Table 15: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by Alcohol/Drug Impairment-Suspect One

Use of Force Type

Alcohol/Drug Impairment

Yes

No

Total

CED

14.7% (n=633)

5.0% (n=416)

8.3% (n=1049)

OC Spray

15.0% (n=646)

15.7% (n=1310)

15.4% (n=1956)

 

First Officer Race

Just 11.4% of first officers utilized CED. 16.1% of Hispanic/Latino officers deployed CED, 11.3% of White officers, 10.1% of officers who identified as Other racially, and 9.6% of Black/African American officers deployed CED. A cross-tabulation indicated race of officers significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=17.48, df=3, p<.001). A sum of 16.0% of officers utilized CO Spray. 16.7% of White officers deployed OC Spray, 14.3% of officers identified as Other race, 13.4% of Hispanic/Latino officers, and 12.2% of Black/African American officers. A test of cross-tabulation proved officer race significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=18.050, df=3, p<.001).

 

Table 16: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by First Officer Race

Use of Force Type

 

First Officer Race

White

Black/African American

Hispanic/Latino

Other

Total

CED

11.3% (n=906)

9.6% (n=102)

16.1% (n=100)

10.1% (n=29)

11.4% (n=1137)

OC Spray

16.7% (n=1335)

12.2% (n=130)

13.4% (n=83)

14.3% (n=41)

16.0% (n=1589)

 

First Officer Year’s Experience

An overall 10.7% of first officers involved deployed CED. 16.9% of officers with less than one year of experience used CED, 12.9 of officers with five to six years of experience, 12.7% of officers with seven to eight year’s experience, 11.2 of officers with three to four years of experience, 9.7% of officers with nine to ten year’s experience, 9.0% of officers with one to year’s experience, and 8.3% of officers with more than ten year’s experience utilized CED. Officer years of experience proved significant for use of CED via a test of cross-tabulation (Pearson’s chi-square=37.03, df=6, p<.001). A total of 16.0% of first officers deployed OC Spray when encountering suspects. 9.2% of officers with less than one year experience used OC Spray, 14.3% of officers with one to two year’s experience, 16.8% of officers with three to four years, 15.9% of officers with five to six years, 15.6% of officers with seven to eight years, 15.4% of officers with nine to ten years, and 18.1% of officers with more than ten years of experience deployed OC Spray. How many years of experience an officer had proved significant through a cross-tabulation at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=17.02, df=6, p=.009). 

 

Table 17: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by First Officer Year’s Experience

Use of Force Type

 

First Officer Years of Experience

<1 Year 

1-2 Years 

3-4 Years 

5-6 Years 

7-8 Years 

9-10 Years 

>10 Years 

Total

CED

16.9% (n=35)

9.0% (n=141)

11.2% (n=179)

12.9% (n=182)

12.7% (n=137)

9.7% (n=56)

8.3% (n=147)

10.7% (n=877)

OC Spray

9.2% (n=19)

14.3% (n=225)

16.8% (n=269)

15.9% (n=224)

15.6% (n=168)

15.4% (n=89)

18.1% (n=321)

16.0% (n=1315)

 

Call Type

Only 2.8% of calls resulted in officer deployment of CED. 13.6% of assault calls resulted in CED use, 7.2% of robbery/burglary calls, 5.2% of calls for alcohol/drug or mental illness, 1.7% of all other call types, 0.8% of traffic stops, 0.2% of domestic disturbances, and 0.0% of pedestrian contacts. A test of cross-tabulation proved call type significant at the .05 level (Pearson’s chi-square=342.7, df=6, p<.001). A total of 17.1% of calls resulted in OC Spray being deployed by officers. 21.7% of domestic disturbance calls resulted in  use of OC Spray, 21.7% of domestic disturbance calls, 19.3% of calls for alcohol/drug or mental illness, 19.0% of assaults, 19.0% of pedestrian contacts, 16.9% of all other calls, 13.0% of traffic stops, and 8.6% of calls for robbery/burglary. This proved significant at the .05 level through cross-tabulation (Pearson’s chi-square=32.80, df=6, p<.001).

 

Table 18: Less-Than-Lethal Use of Force by Type of Call

Use of Force Type

 

Call Type

Pedestrian Contact

Traffic Stop

Robbery/Burglary

Alcohol/Drug or Mental Illness

Domestic Disturb

Assault

Other

Total

CED

0.0% (n=0)

0.8% (n=4)

7.2% (n=20)

5.2% (n=42)

0.2% (n=1)

13.6% (n=81)

1.7% (n=109)

2.8% (n=257)

OC Spray

19.0% (n=22)

13.0% (n=66)

8.6% (n=24)

19.3% (n=156)

21.7% (n=113)

19.0% (n=113)

16.9% (n=1063)

17.1% (n=1557)



 ---------------------

Multivariate Regression Analyses & Results

The regression analysis showed that race of the officer involved in OC Spray use did not always prove significant. Compared to White officers, Black/African American officers had an odds of .556 less likely to use OC Spray. This proved significant at the .05 level (b=-.587, t=16.465, p<.001). Hispanic/Latino officers had an odds of using OC Spray .911 times less than White officers, which was not significant (b=-.093, t=.260, sig=.610). Officers who identified as Other racially had an odds of utilizing OC Spray .565 times more compared to White officers, also not significant (b=.125, t=.331, p=.565). There was a positive relationship between officer years of experience and OC Spray use. For each ordinal category increase, typically two-year increments, the likelihood of deployment of OC Spray increased by about 1.027. The relationship between officer years of experience and use of OC Spray was not statistically significant at the .05 level (b=.027, t=1.722, sig=.189). When compared to White suspects, Black/African American suspects were 1.300 times more likely to have OC Spray deployed against them during police interactions. This proved significant at the .05 level of analysis (b=.263, t=10.130, p=.001). Hispanic/Latino suspects were .800 times less likely to have OC Spray used on them. This was not significant (b=-.223, t=2.893, p=.089). Suspects who identified as Other racially were also .970 times less likely to have OC Spray deployed against them. This was again not significant at the .05 level (b=-.031, t=.013, p=.970). There was a positive relationship between age of the first suspect involved and OC Spray deployment. For every increase in age category, the odds of OC Spray use increased by 1.012. This did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.012, t=.273, p=.601). Holding no resistant behavior by the suspect recorded constant, those suspects who displayed passive behavior towards officers had an increase in odds of 14.568 of having OC Spray deployed on them. Passive behavior was  significant at the .05 level  (b=2.679, t=5.221, p=.022).  Suspects who fled from officers had a decreased odds of .688. Fleeing did not prove significant (b=-.307, t=.161, p=.688). Suspects who engaged in verbal confrontations with officers had an odds of 11.344 more likely than suspects who did not display resistant behavior to have OC Spray deployed. This did prove significant (b=2.429, t=15.680, p<.001). Suspects who engaged in mild aggressive behavior towards officers had a 10.180 increased odds of OC Spray deployment. Mild aggression proved significant at the .05 level (b=2.320, t=33.569, p<.001). Suspects who displayed severe aggression had a 7.077 increased odds of OC Spray deployment. This was also significant (b=1.957, t=34.940, p<.001). Suspects who displayed deadly force against officers had an increased odds of being 2.093 more likely to have OC Spray used against them. Deadly force used by the suspect was not significant at the .05 level (b=.738, t=.917, p=.338). Suspect behavior categorized as ‘other’ had a 7.932 increased odds of OC Spray use compared to suspects who did not display resistant behavior. This was significant at the .05 level (b=2.071, t=36.409, p<.001). For those suspects who did possess a weapon, the odds of having OC Spray used against them was 1.264 more likely than suspects who did not possess a weapon. This proved significant at the .05 level (b=.234, t=7.030, p=.008). Suspects who had drug or alcohol impairment had a decreased odds of .552 for OC Spray deployment compared to those suspects who were not alcohol or drug impaired. This also proved significant at the .05 level (b=-.595, t=4.507, p=.034). When controlling for pedestrian contacts, traffic stops had a 4.251 increased odds of resulting OC Spray deployment. This proved significant at the .05 level (b=1.447, t=17.958, p<.001). Robbery/burglary calls had an odds of 4.334 more likely to result in OC Spray than pedestrian contacts. This did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=1.466, t=3.692, p=.055). Calls for alcohol/drug or mental illness were 9.670 times more likely to result in OC Spray deployment. This proved significant at the .05 level (b=2.269, t=55.988, p<.001). Calls for domestic disputes also had increased odds of 7.507 and proved significant (b=2.016, t=40.992, p<.001). Calls for assault had an increased odds of 12.836 of resulting OC Spray use. This was significant, as well (b=2.552, t=32.237, p<.001). All other calls types showed a 5.051 increased odds of OC Spray use compared to pedestrian contacts. This was significant at the .05 level (b=1.620, t=32.382, p<.001). 

 

Table 19: Regression Analysis of OC Spray Use

Variables

b

exp(b)

s.e

t

sig

Black/African American Officer

-.587***

.556

.145

16.465

<.001

Hispanic/Latino Officer

-.093

.911

.183

.260

.610

Other Race Officer

.125

1.133

.217

.331

.565

First Officer Year’s Experience

.027

.189

.020

1.722

.189

Black/African American Suspect

.263***

1.300

.083

10.130

.001

Hispanic/Latino Suspect

-.233

.800

.131

2.893

.089

Other Race Suspect

-.031

.970

.271

.013

.909

First Suspect Age

.012

1.012

.022

.273

.601

Passive

2.679*

14.568

1.172

5.221

.022

Fleeing

-.307

.736

.765

.161

.688

Verbal

2.429***

11.344

.613

15.680

<.001

Mild Aggression

2.320***

10.180

.400

33.569

<.001

Severe Aggression

1.957***

7.077

.331

34.940

<.001

Deadly Force

.738

2.093

.771

.917

.338

Other Behavior

2.071***

7.932

.343

36.409

<.001

Suspect(s) Had Weapon

.234**

1.264

.088

7.030

.008

Alcohol/Drug Impairment

-.595*

.552

.280

4.507

.034

Traffic Stop

1.447***

4.251

.341

17.958

<.001

Robbery/Burglary

1.466

4.334

.763

3.692

.055

Alcohol/Drug or Mental Illness

2.269***

9.670

.303

55.988

<.001

Domestic Dispute

2.016***

7.507

.315

40.992

<.001

Assault

2.552***

12.836

.450

32.237

<.001

Other Calls

1.620***

5.051

.285

32.382

<.001

Note: ***=p<.001, **=p<.01, *=p<.05

 

 

For the regression analysis pertaining to CED use, the Call Type variable was omitted from the final analysis. The main purpose of this overall analysis was to examine the characteristics of officers and suspects involved in use of force incidents, not necessarily what initiated the law enforcement contact. The regression analysis showed that as officer years of experience increased, the odds of CED use also increased by 1.083. Years of officer experience did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.080, t=1.832, p=.176). Compared to White officers, Black/African American officers had a decreased odds of .514 related to CED deployment. This was not significant at the .05 level (b=-.665, t=2.854, p=.091). Hispanic/Latino officers had a decreased odds of .565 compared to White officers when it came to CED use. This was also not significant (b=-.571, t=2.176, p=.140). Officers who identified as ‘other’ racially had a 1.278 increased odds of CED use compared to White officers. This did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.245, t=.080, p=.777). When controlling for White suspects, Black/African American suspects had an increased odds of 1.100 times more likely to be involved in incidents where CED was deployed. This did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.096, t=.126, p=.723). Hispanic suspects also showed an increased odds of 1.887 compared to White suspects. This was statistically significant at the .05 level (b=.635, t=4.800, p=.028). Suspects who identified as ‘other’ racially had an increased odds of 2.449 times more likely to have CED used against them. This was also not significant at the .05 level (b=.896, t=2.155, p=.142). There was a positive relation between suspect age and CED deployment. For each ordinal category increase in age, there was a 1.043 increase in the likelihood of being involved in an incident where CED was deployed. Suspect age did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.042, t=.271 p=.603). For suspect behavior towards officers, only those behaviors that showed high instances were included in the regression analysis. No resistance, passive, verbal, and deadly force were used as the control. Suspects who fled from officers had an increase in odds of 1.043 times more likely to be involved in CED use compared to the control group. Fleeing proved significant at the .05 level (b=.1.573, t=21.564, p<.001). Suspects that displayed mild aggression towards officers had a decrease in odds .434 times less likely to experience CED deployment. Mild aggression was not significant at the .05 level (b=-.835 t=1.181, p=.277). Suspects who were severely aggressive towards officers also had an increase in odds 1.524 more likely to be involved in CED incidents than the control group.  Severe aggression did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=.421, t=2.912, p=.088).  Suspects noted to possess a weapon had a decreased likelihood of being involved in CED use of force .738 times more likely than suspects who did not possess a weapon. Weapon possession by the suspect did not prove significant at the .05 level (b=-.304, t=.433, p=.510). Suspects who were impaired by alcohol or drugs also showed a 1081.049 increase in odds more likely to have CED used against them compared to suspects who were not impaired by drugs or alcohol. This did prove significant at the .05 level (b=6.986, t=47.107, p<.001). Important to note, this variable was left off the bar graph due to extremely high odds coefficient, which would have impacted the ability to view the other variables. 

 

Table 20: Regression Analysis of CED Use

Variables

b

exp(b)

s.e

t

sig

First Officer Year’s Experience

.080

1.083

.059

1.832

.176

Black/African American Officer

-.665

.514

.394

2.854

.091

Hispanic/Latino Officer

-.571

.565

.387

2.176

.140

Other Race Officer

.245

1.278

.865

.080

.777

Black/African American Suspect

.096

1.100

.269

.126

.723

Hispanic/Latino Suspect

.635*

1.887

.290

4.800

.028

Other Race Suspect

.896

2.449

.610

2.155

.142

First Suspect Age

.042

1.043

.081

.271

.603

Suspect(s) Had Weapon

-.304

.738

.462

.433

.510

Alcohol/Drug Impairment

6.986***

1081.049

1.018

47.107

<.001

Fleeing

1.573***

4.819

.339

21.564

<.001

Mild Aggression

-.835

.434

.768

1.181

.277

Severe Aggression

.421

1.524

.247

2.912

.088

Note: ***=p<.001, **=p<.01, *=p<.05

 


 ---------------------

Discussion

Overall, race proved to be a significant determinant factor through bivariate, cross-tabulation analysis. However, when accounting for other factors, officer race proved less significant in determining less-than-lethal weapon deployment. In fact, only Black/African American officers compared to White officers in OC Spray was significant after taking other variables into consideration. This finding mirrored the prior research literature this analysis based the hypothesis on. As previously mentioned, research revealed Black/African American officers used force equally across suspect race compared to their White counterparts. This analysis found Black/African American and Hispanic/Latino officers were less likely to deploy less-than-lethal force. Race of the suspect also proved less significant through a multivariate analysis than bivariate. Race of the suspect only matters for Black/African American suspects and OC Spray deployment, and Hispanic/Latino suspects for CED deployment. This finding also supported our hypothesis that non-White suspects would have higher instances in use of force incidents utilizing less-than-lethal weapon deployment. As prior data found, people of color experience use of force at higher rates than their White counterparts during law enforcement interactions.

The most consistent predictor of less-than-lethal weapon deployment of officers was shown to be the suspect’s behavior during the incident. Through both bivariate and multivariate analyses, suspects who displayed aggression towards officers were more likely to have less-than-lethal weapons used against them, particularly OC Spray. The differences in suspect behavior and less-than-lethal weapon options could also be related to higher levels of aggression meant a higher return of force from officers. Deadly force was not significant through the multivariate analysis for OC Spray. This finding could be that if a suspect appears to have intent to seriously maim law enforcement or bystanders, officers return with lethal force. OC Spray is not a lethal option. A similar conclusion can be made for weapon possession of the suspect. This analysis only examined whether the suspect possessed a weapon, not what that weapon was (i.e. club, firearm, etc.). The degree of lethality of the weapon could have an  influence on the type of force used by officers. Although there was no prior literature linked to behavior, this analysis’s data supported the hypothesis that aggressive behavior exhibited by the suspect increased the likelihood of use of force. One would hope this is also true in the practice of policing. The use of force officers used on suspects should equal that which is deserved based on the suspects’ actions and not some other arbitrary factor.

The significance of years of experience an officer had also varied when considering other factors. Years of experience proved significant for both OC Spray and CED use through bivariate analysis; however, through a multivariate analysis, years of experience was significant for neither OC Spray nor CED deployment. This finding showed other factors, not officer years of experience, influenced whether less-than-lethal weapons were utilized in use of force incidents. No research was linked to experience to base a hypothesis on. A reason for the insignificant finding could be related to the possibility that as officers get older, they stop working in the field as much, which eliminates their opportunity to have interactions with suspects. A similar conclusion can be made about suspect age and the influence of other factors. A bivariate analysis showed age significant for both OC Spray and CED use. The multiple regression analysis proved other factors were more important. Even looking at the results of the cross-tabulation, the percentages of less-than-lethal weapon engagement across age groups showed little variance. This analysis’s findings of suspect age did not support the original hypothesis. This analysis had previously hypothesized that younger suspects would have higher instances of less-than-lethal force compared to older suspects; as suspect age increased, the chances of being involved in use of force decreased. The data supported age did not matter as much as other influential characteristics surrounding use of force incidents.

Ultimately, there were several missing data points missing to conduct a complete analysis. Since the study of origin relied on police databases, not every police department tracked the same information. This left many variables with only partial data. Some variables this analysis examined had almost half the data missing because police departments did not collect information on that variable for use of force incidents. For example, call type was missing over 60% of its data, the reason it was excluded in part of the regression analysis. Incomplete data proved problematic when running multivariate regression analyses and some variables had to be omitted. This proved especially challenging for CED use. The study that gathered the data examined thirteen police departments. Only seven of those police departments utilized CED in their use of force practices. That alone cut the data almost in half for any analysis run on CED deployment.

There remain certain issues here for further attentions. For instance, when running the regression about the First Officer Years of Experience relates to CED used in incident, the statistical significance of independent binary regression seems to contradict with all the independent variables combined table. Though figures would be inherently different within two different tables, their significance are poles apart, such as b-coefficient, which refers to the coefficient or slope of the relationship between IV (X) and DV (Y).  The independent table shows as -0.041, this negative value means that if you are in first officer’s years of experience, you would be less likely to have the CED device being used. For each unit decrease in the Officer’s years of Experience, the CED used decreases by about 0.041 on average. However, in the combined variates statistic table, b-coefficient shows as 0.027, which is a positive value that means the first officer’s years of experience would be more likely to have the CED device being used. Further, in the independent table, odds ratio or Exp (B) is Close to 1 but below 1 means that being a case occurred in such years of experience decreased the likelihood of being a Yes in CED used. However, on the combined table, it shows to the contrary that E>1means being a case occurred at the first officer's years of experience, would increase the likelihood of being YES in DV. So, odds of being a YES on CED variable are increased by 1.120 if you were in this IV. In addition, in independent table, since b is close to 0, E is close to 1, if the sig. value is too high and the Lower Bound < 1 and Upper Bound 1, then we cannot reject the null. However, sig. value 0.033 Alpha 0.05, and Upper Bound is not 1, which is also ambiguous and contradictory. It’s surprised that on combined coefficient table, it still cannot prove statistically significant because its sig. value is too high that is over the alpha, and both the lower and upper bound do not exceed 1. (though b>0, E>1), we still cannot reject the null hypothesis of no difference between the population mean. So, although we seem to get the same result of failing to reject the null, the statistical issues remain and make the research precision doubtful. Nonetheless, the same independent variable relates to OC Spray DV was ran out without these contradictory issues. Another similar issues are the interpretation of dummy variables in binary regression coefficient table, there are many wrong numbers (all equal to 0.0 in Exp [B] & Lower Bound) that don’t make any sense, including the First Suspect Age (B, S.E., Wald are all equal to 0.88) and the Maximum Suspect’s Behavior—Passive, the S.E. is  18570.392, which is very unusual.

Possible reasons may be related to be considered, such as many data is masked, the research may not fully manage the data well; the understanding of dummy variables as independent variables might be varied between researchers, e.g. in call type group, I would run a regression using the variable: Robbery, Burglary and Homicide together into the violent crime category instead of excluding the Homicide into other group. If the percentage of this kind of variables breaking down might be varied, then it could be coded differently. Also, usually, we don’t assess the significance of the constant or interpret it.  In some cases, constant does not make much sense because it is not possible to have an X value---IV of zero in reality.  However, here in this case, it may have certain rare case for the first officer absolutely has no years of experience, which is also ambiguous and hard to interpret. Lastly, researchers should be cautious that even if their findings are a statistical significance, it doesn’t mean these findings are practical significance.

Much other research review prior to this report had been limited to narrative literature review and theoretical analysis, instead of empirical data analysis and review. A research article by Colin Bolger in the American Journal of Criminal Justice attempted to find results like the ones in this report to identify the most influential predictors of police use of force decisions. Bolger encountered similar limitations in research review, unable to use a substantial amount of surely important research because of its lack in objectivity. His findings suggest that the primary focus for future theories on use of force decisions should regard the variables of the encounter instead of the theoretical perspective of twenty-first century policing[16]. The authors of this report support Bolger’s conclusion. This type of research and the analyses/conclusions henceforth can strengthen administrative policies regarding use of force by focusing on variables in which force is used and having evaluated evidence in prior research showing stricter policies reducing unnecessary force.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 






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References

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[2] Levenson, E. (2021, April 06). Police use-of-force instructor Says Derek CHAUVIN'S kneeling is not a Trained restraint. CNN. Retrieved April 22, 2021, from George Floyd: Police use-of-force instructor says Derek Chauvin's kneeling is not a trained restraint - CNN

[3] Fowers, A.; Steckelberg, A.; Berkowitz, B. (2020, June 05). A guide to the less-lethal weapons that law enforcement uses against protesters. The Washington Post. Retrieved April 30, 2021, from The less-lethal weapons law enforcement is using against protesters - The Washington Post

[4] Simko-Bednarski, E. (2020, June 25). Bipolar man with a SWORD dies after being tased by NYPD. CNN. Retrieved April 30, 2021, from Bipolar man with a sword dies after being tased by NYPD - CNN

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[6] Law.Cornell.edu Admin. (2021). U.S. Federal Regulation: Use of Deadly Force. Cornell Law School. Retrieved April 29, 2021, from 10 CFR § 1047.7 - Use of deadly force. | CFR | US Law | LII / Legal Information Institute (cornell.edu)

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[13] Terrill, W.; Paoline III, E.A. (2016). Police Use of Less Lethal Force: Does Administrative Policy Matter? Justice Quarterly. DOI: 10.1080/07418825.2016.1147593

[14] Fryer Jr., R.G. (2018). An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force. National Bureau of Economic Research. Retrieved from MergedFile (nber.org) / Journal of Political Economy, 127(3)

[15] Paoline III, E.A.; Gau, J.M.; Terrill, W. (2016). Race and the Police Use of Force Encounter in the United States. The British Journal of Criminology, 58(1). Pp 54-74. DOI: 10.1093/bjc/azw089

[16] Bolger, C.P. (2015). Just Following Orders: A Meta-Analysis of the Correlates of American Police Officer Use of Force Decisions. American Journal of Criminal Justice, 40(1). Pp 466-492. DOI: 10.1007/s12103-014-9278-y


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